Remembering Cheddi Jagan
by Dale A. Bisnauth
Beginning with his own “The West on Trial,” there is a considerable bibliography on, and, by, the late President Cheddi Jagan. That material is more than adequate to enable the modern historian to construct the saga of a bare-foot boy, born to Indian indentured immigrants, who rose to the pre-eminent position of President of the Republic of Guyana. In his life-time, he was dubbed by many of his supporters as, “Awee Mahatma.” Friends and opponents alike are agreed that he is the “Father of the Nation.” My feeling is that he would have been dismissive of both claims. Such was the modesty of the man.
The written and oral material on Dr Jagan provides a multi-dimensional prism through which to look at, and marvel, that such a man – statesman and fine human being – shared our common dust and transformed it from a mean little place, to a country where decency and hope might still be possible. While too many people have shaken the dust off their feet as they exited Guyana, Cheddi Jagan remained committed to Guyana. That he did, because he believed that this land was worth the struggle, that being Guyanese was a thing so desirable as to merit the sacrifice, is as commendable as it is scarcely believable.
In C.J’s breast must have throbbed with terrible, all-consuming passion the heart-beat of a consummate patriot. That this erstwhile periphery of Empire, this Mudland threatened by swamp in heavy rainfall, and burnt-brown in drought, this society broken by shame and human perfidy, and characterized by raw hate and exploitation of man by man, could breed a person such as he, must indeed signal that still out of this country, could come greatness and heroism; that being Guyanese is a matter of great pride. This, we can learn from Cheddi Jagan.
In my imagination, I can envisage him standing there some time in the past, in times marked by simmering race-hate that could vent itself in open violence, in times characterized by dangerous political pettiness that was going to be a threat to his life’s vocation, with that characteristic smile that was the window to his soul. There he stood, like a shining beacon, beckoning the rest of Guyana, with a characteristic flailing of the arms like windmills, to catch up with him, if it dared, if it can.
And to me, that challenge is still there. But it is not a call to imitate him, except in spirit. To imitate the unique is vain. It is vanity to try to walk in his shoes. But a call is there, nonetheless. It is a call to learn of, and from, him. Not to copy him detail upon detail, even if that were possible; but to learn from him how best to continue the work that was his life, how to carry his baton as it were, in our stage in the relay-race, to build a modern society in which people matter above all things, a truly human and humane society.
Cheddi Jagan has taught this nation that revolution or radical change is born of the passion for humanization; that without that intensity of concern for the well-being of humans, whatever else parades as revolution will, in all possibility, devour its own children. People-centrism characterized Dr Jagan’s politics. So, too, did the life-style of truth. In politics, he refused to be the hypocrite (that is, in the etymological meaning of the word, “mask-wearer”). While his opponents vacillated from one “principled” position to another, as they reckoned the political game demanded, C.J. remained constant in an ideological position that put people first.
One can only surmise where Dr Jagan came by his supreme commitment to people, by his simple yet profound belief in people, when the first stirrups of the revolutionary would be born in him. When was it that the human in him would seek to break out from “being cramped to “being free” for himself and for his people? It might have been on the sugar plantations at Port Mourant where the teenager worked, co-opted by his parents, to help support a large family. Was it there that he developed an abhorrence for colonial domination in the world of sugar? Was it there that he first experienced the vicious, iron-clad operations of class oppression with overtones of racism, as the white oligarchy distanced themselves socially and spatially from labourers? Maybe it was in the United States where racism manifested itself at every turn and of which he was a victim; maybe it was a tailor working for an establishment that was exploitative of the poor, or as a peddler of “quack” medicine in the slums of Harlem, for a small commission; or as an elevator boy working the graveyard shift from midnight to 8:00 am; that he came consciously to commit himself to the welfare of the common folk, for the rest of his life.
Or, was it that devastating occasion when the Enmore martyrs were slain, and he vowed that their sacrifice would never be in vain, not as long as he was alive and able to do something about it? Whatever combination of factors it was, Cheddi Jagan would base his struggle for radical change on class issues as he sought to unite urban Blacks and rural Indians in a pitched battle for self-governance, adult suffrage and economic and social justice.
In the twilight years of his life, the concern for the human shone through in the passion with which he spoke and advocated for: “Development with a human face,” “A New Global Human Order.” He declared: “Economic Development without Human development is unacceptable.” And he supported a positive response to liberalization and globalization, but not at the expense of the poor and the working class. In all things the HUMAN remained central, constant, unchanged!
We remember Cheddi Jagan best, by enshrining all our fellow Guyanese of every colour and creed, age, sex, status and derivation, in our hearts. Peace!
Cheddi Jagan’s Life and Legacy
By Eddi RodneyA penetrative address was presented last Thursday evening to mark the 10th anniversary of Dr Cheddi Jagan’s death. The function was sponsored by the Cheddi Jagan Research Centre and was the first of the lecture series for 2007.
Grenadian Senator, Chester Humphrey, who is also President of the Technical and Allied Workers Union (TAWU), delivered what he preferred to describe as “a talk” examining the ideas, the political activism and leadership, as well as enduring Marxist ideological beliefs that characterized the founding leader and life-long General Secretary of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), Dr Cheddi Jagan.
Humphrey, an early member of the New Jewel Movement (NJM) in Grenada, recalled memories of Comrade Cheddi, particularly on those occasions when the Guyanese leader spoke with the ordinary people in the West Indies during the years of anti-colonial mobilization. Jagan always displayed a certain “greatness” set within the historical context of West Indian political appeal. People in the Eastern Caribbean attended these public events in which Comrade Cheddi participated and where he often “captured the imagination of our people.”
Comparing Dr Jagan to Jamaican reggae super star, the late Bob Marley, and American heavyweight pugilist, Mohamed Ali, Humphrey observed that it was this type of “greatness,” this kind of adulation that Cheddi Jagan espoused and shared with the working people.
Dr Jagan was associated with high acclaim and respect, Humphrey said, because he knew from his own real experience as a youngster and a student in the United States, what the conditions of working people were.
Cheddi never hid his Marxist outlook. His political struggle remained always guided and influenced by a deep class position on all issues. In this process, the contribution of his widow, former First Lady and President, Janet Jagan, was an integral figure.
Several other aspects of Cheddi Jagan’s life and legacy – his relevance – were recalled as relatively new information to the audience. These included his representative role in the colonial legislature when he was a young politician. His ability as an anti-colonial personality was reflected in his own country, within the English-speaking Caribbean and even in the world.
Colonial administrations in the region banned and imposed restrictions on him, but this served to create a more profound interest in what he had to say, and also what he wrote and sought to implement during the years he was prime minister and later as executive president.
At a time when many former and still colonial, political movements adopted the course of armed struggle in Latin America and Africa, Cheddi Jagan remained steadfast in following a strategy based on the political non-violence of Gandhi. The collapse of the world socialist system and the end of the Cold war witnessed the emergence of Cheddi Jagan as a major Third World figure, who placed the issue of global poverty and human development at the very core of his policies and initiatives.
PPP General Secretary, Donald Ramotar, who chaired the function, referred to the varied and mixed response of regional leaders to the independence cause Cheddi Jagan espoused. After 1964, he “became a bit disillusioned with these positions, but he continued to struggle to inform political forces within the region…”
Eventually, Cheddi Jagan was successful in leading the struggle to restore democracy in Guyana. By persisting with the political struggle and striving for broad unity, the Guyanese leader and Father of the nation demonstrated unique qualities that remain intact as legacies to Guyanese the world over.
Perspectives - The Visionary Cheddi Jagan
By Prem Misir
Dr. Cheddi Jagan
TODAY marks the 10th death anniversary of former President Dr. Cheddi Jagan.
But this is not the time to lament his death; this is a time to celebrate his vision, the vision he had for this country, and, indeed, the world.
And history will remember Cheddi Jagan as a world leader who struggled for social progress among the dispossessed and the disadvantaged; who vigorously implanted progressive political thought; who was a resolute builder of political movements; who forged the political-labour nexus; who was an unwavering Caribbean integrationist; who was a true internationalist in his unrelenting promulgation of the New Global Human Order (NGHO); and whose authentic local legacy has to be his tireless fight for national unity, working-class unity, and racial unity.
His ideas and his indefatigable promotion of these ideas have not only redefined the Caribbean, but have impacted the world of the poor. These writings and his grassroots work have a superlative nexus with current philosophical debates, particularly in the philosophy of history and the social and behavioural sciences coupled with moral and political philosophy.
This understanding of history sees economic, social, and political influences of human life as the most important factors shaping human experience, personality, ideas, and social arrangements.
And it is through this understanding of history that he was able to construct a proactive and empowering vision for this country.
Today, as I attempt to pen a few words on Dr. Jagan’s achievements, what really stares you in the face through his many writings is his profound sense of vision.
Dr. Jagan had this vision since about 1945 -- that colonialism, in order to be successful, had to subordinate to its interests, the critical institutions and processes of the colonized society.
And so the former President evolved as a tenacious fighter for Independence; and he is among the first few, if not the first, to have kicked off this struggle against colonial domination.
This novel idea of Independence emerged in 1945 in Dr. Jagan’s pamphlet titled `COOPERATIVE WAY’. Dr. Jagan said: “It therefore behoves the working class people to get control of government through their constitutional ballots in our forthcoming election, with a view towards complete independence. A free and independent Guiana can easily cooperate and eventually federate with her Latin neighbours, especially Brazil.”
We see his active vision at work, too, on April 3, 1962 during his Budget Speech. Dr. Jagan spoke about the dynamics of globalization, even though he did not use the actual term. He said: “…The fact is that we are living today in a world which has become closely knit together. We are not living in the days when communications were difficult, when countries were more or less economically content. We are living today when international trusts, combines and cartels are devouring the world; the big giants are swallowing up the little giants, the sharks eating up the sardines...”
He warned then of the dangers of globalization, echoing the West’s domineering stand in relation to the developing world. And within the same sentiments as former Indian Prime Minister Dr. Gujral would later aptly say: “my globalization is good for you but yours is not good for me.”
But Dr. Jagan’s vision shows his mastery at work in countering this inhuman globalization as far back as 1945, and making the case for the New Global Human Order (NGHO). The NGHO would empower people so that they would not be cowed down by the dynamics of a callous globalization; the people would be in the forefront applying the tools of internationalism to their advantage, creating a niche for themselves in this global economy.
The NGHO represents a remarkable vision not only for Guyana but for all countries.
And he expressed, too, his vision for developing a cultural mosaic in this multiethnic society. Jagan points to the utility value of cultural differentiation in the pursuit of national unity. Jagan noted that race was never a serious problem in Guyana. He believed that the problem was one of class.
The early division of labour produced and reproduced racial antagonism and cultural loss to divide and exploit the working class. In fact, Indians as indentureds were then perceived as outcasts, culturally different, and economically subservient.
The 1928-53 years struck a blow to Guyanese unity through the British divide-and-rule techniques, with accompanying racial alignments and divisions. In the early 1920s, there was no Indian public servant higher than a Third Class Clerkship. In 1931, Indians only held 8 per cent of the public service positions when they comprised 42 per cent of the population. And in the 1960s, Burnham’s defeat at successive elections produced a greater emphasis on African-race consciousness, a unified African front, with Indians as the common enemy.
Clearly, Jagan found that ethnic relations in colonial Guyana were acrimonious to promoting cultural identity; an acrimony not primordial to Indians and Africans, but constructed and manipulated by politicians.
Here, too, political institutionalization of each ethnic group’s culture may dissipate the emotive language of race and race conflict and contribute to national unity. In this sense, Jagan really advanced the case for apportioning political space to all cultures in the drive toward national unity.
And so there is no question that former President Dr. Jagan’s authentic legacy has to be his vision and tireless fight for national unity, working-class unity, and racial unity.
POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO THE BIRTH OF UG
BY PREM MISIR
The presence of the University of Guyana (UG) today is a product of Dr. Cheddi Jagan’s guiding light and resoluteness; and a remarkable testimony to the heroic people who stood their ground to ensure that the University continues to have breadth and to be of high degree.The history of UG’s conception and early years acknowledges significant political resistance to its existence. However, these early years saw an evolving UG as the wellspring of education amid serious political turmoil. Just focus on 1963 to assess the political resistance against UG.
Former PPP Minister of Education Vernon Nunes on-September 29, 1961, established a Working Party on the feasibility of setting up a local University. A University was possible. Nunes then submitted a document for Cabinet consideration on December 6, 1961, gaining approval. The University of Guyana Ordinance was approved by the Senate on March 18, 1963 and by the Legis1ative Assembly on April 5, 1963. Governor Sir Ralph Grey signed the Bill into law on April 18, 1963. The University of Guyana’s inauguration was held on October 1, 1963. Classes started at UG on October 2, 1963.
Once Cabinet approved the proposal for the establishment of a University on December 6, 1961, Jagan rolled out intensive communications with academics abroad to assist him in this needed project. A few examples of his indefatigable efforts to make university education a reality in Guyana will suffice.
LettersJanuary 4, 1962: Jagan wrote to Harold Drayton in Ghana requesting his assistance.
January 13, 1962: Drayton responded that he would like to return to Guyana immediately, as the University of Ghana was willing to release him quicker by not applying the customary three months.
December 17, 1962: Jagan asked Horace Davis whether it would be possible to recruit lecturers in 23 fields.
January 2, 1963: Horace Davis replied by indicating that both Professor Alan MacEwan and he would like to work in British Guiana (now Guyana). He believed that a two or three-year budget would assist in attracting staff. On the question of the library, Davis advised that Jagan should establish a committee for staff recruitment, equipment and building, and to appeal for entire libraries from deceased scholars or moribund institutions.
January 10, 1963: Jagan wrote to Professor Paul Baran of Stanford University, Professor Joan Robinson, Cambridge University, Professor Lancelot Hogben, Birmingham University, and Professor David Glass, University of London. Jagan’s letter was a request for assistance in staff recruitment. In this letter, Jagan also outlined the university’s role; he suggested that the university should strive to develop the community through producing graduates for the civil service, teachers for high schools, and scientists and technologists for industrial and agricultural development. Jagan advocated too that the university should administer action-oriented research into Guyana’s problems.
January 10, 1963: Jagan wrote to Felix Cummings in New York asking him to mobilize funds for a library and laboratory equipment. Jagan also indicated that they were attempting to have Joan Robinson of Cambridge University as the first Vice-Chancellor.
February 2, 1963: Lancelot Hogben replied accepting the position of Vice-Chancellor.
March 1, 1963: Jagan thanked Hogben for accepting the Vice-Chancellorship, and invited him to make a preparatory visit on March 18, 1963.
Professor Harold Drayton, first Deputy Vice Chancellor of UG, in The University of Guyana Perspectives on the early History, noted that in the months leading up to the university’s inauguration and especially in the first year of UG’s life, many local and regional newspapers, and some U.S. respectable journals, frequently published items unfavorable to the proposed national University, referring to it disapprovingly as Jagan’s ‘night school’; and that it was a training ground for communist activists.
Drayton also noticed in early 1963 that some senior Education Officers in cahoots with the Permanent Secretary within the Ministry of Education wrote disapprovingly of the proposed national University. And their paper was presented in tandem with the Ministry’s White Paper on Higher Education to the Senate and Legislative Assembly.
These diversions to negatively impact the University’s development followed and in some cases accompanied direct political resistance, aimed at removing the PPP Government in 1963; those actions to shelve the UG’s growth and to dispose of the PPP from office in 1963 had a nexus. Keep in mind that UG commenced classes on October 2, 1963.
And while these dastardly oppositional acts could be misconstrued as having nothing to do with the proposed national University, the actions even latently were intended to rob the Government and a colonial people of any credibility and innovativeness associated with the founding of an institution of higher education; quite clearly, the principles of integrity and creativity in institution building certainly would enhance the stature of any Government; and further such improved eminence, indeed, would undermine any Opposition’s intent to overthrow an Administration.
And in this case, the Opposition PNC’s ‘X-13’ plan craved such intentions of ousting the Government; but UG as a reality saddened the PNC’s illegal efforts. So let’s present some actions relating to the nexus alluded to earlier.
A Police raid on Congress Place, Headquarters of the PNC, in May 1963, found large quantities of weapons and a document outlining the ‘X-13’ terrorist plan; the plan clearly indicated that the PNC possessed a road map to violently remove the democratically-elected PPP Government. And those today who believe that there was nothing to the X-13 Plan, then let the media carry it, so the people may decide for themselves.
Later, the Police developed a research document on the PNC as a terrorist organization, but Governor Sir Ralph Grey refused to make it public; however, Janet Jagan was able to secure this document and made its contents available to the public in early 1964, almost a year after the police found the PNC’s ‘X-13’ plan.
These early months in the evolution of UG saw serious developmental constraints produced by the 80 days’ general strike from April 18 through July 8, 1963, the declaration of a State of Emergency on May 9, rioting, bombing and arson, and racial attacks on person and property.
June 12, 1963 recorded the beating of PPP Minister of Education Vernon Nunes; then there was Premier Cheddi Jagan’s narrow escape from a similar fate when he left the Public Buildings with his two bodyguards and Superintendent Carl Austin; a mob stoned and surrounded Jagan’s car; Austin and the bodyguards then opened gunfire, at which time, the driver maneuvered a quick exit. Also, quite a few Government Ministries and buildings suffered bombings from June 11 through June 25, 1963.
During this same month of June 1963 in England, the London’s Public Record Office (June 30, 1963) carried a document showing a meeting between President John Kennedy and Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, where they both agreed to amend the Constitution of British Guiana to provide for a new electoral system — Proportional Representation (PR), in order to remove Dr. Cheddi .Jagan from office. Note that Burnham and D’Aguiar, four months later, proposed PR at the Independence Conference of October 22, 1963.
After the talks failed, Colonial Secretary Duncan Sandys then acquired political space to institute PR in British Guiana. The country held its General Elections on December 7, 1964 and established the PNC/UF coalition Government. All these indecent goings-on during the PPP Administration in 1963 and 1964 did not block the establishment of UG.
The PNC-UF Coalition Government in 1964 exhibited enormous indifference to UG, and pursued severally the reintegration of UG with the University of the West Indies (UWI).
And a few years later, according to the then Vice Chancellor Dr. Dennis Irvine, the PNC Government, after ridding itself of the UF, established a committee, that included a well-known senior UG staff, to determining the course of action for effecting this reintegration, aimed at ending UG as a Jagan-created institution.
Dr. Irvine claimed that through his valid standpoints and a threat to resign, he convinced then Prime Minister Burnham to throw out this quest to bring an end to UG as a university institution. And so UG became firmly established, notwithstanding all this nastiness. Clearly, Jagan was the founder of the University of Guyana. And all brochures of this University need to prominently acknowledge this fact.
