Articles by Janet Jagan
Written in 1953 by Janet Jagan
British troops have occupied Guiana. The Constitution has been suspended. Elected Ministers have been dismissed. The Legislature has been prorogued. Meetings are banned. Police are raiding scores of homes. The Governor is virtual dictator.
What brought about this crisis? Officialdom alleges a Communist plot to create disorder and overthrow government, but no evidence is produced.
Strangely enough our Party has done little else in its brief four month period in ministerial office than attempt to implement its election manifesto of April,1953, which stated:
We intend to amend ill existing laws and regulations which restrict the civil liberties of the people such as banning of individuals, books and films.
We shall introduce laws making it a crime to discriminate against any person or persons on account of race or religion.
We shall guarantee freedom of press, worship, speech, assembly and association as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Other items in the programme were:
Laws to protect the trade unions, including repeal of the Trade Disputes (Essential Services) Ordinance and a measure based on the U.S. Labour Relations Act; land reform, land settlement, security of tenure for farmers and provisions for agricultural loans; better control of the expenditure of the Public Works Department and enquiry into its administration; equal educational opportunities for all, with nursery schools and secondary education scholarships; low rental housing schemes; reorganisation of medical services; social insurance measures; reform of local government; Workmen's Compensation to cover industrial diseases; increase of direct taxes and reduction of indirect taxes; establishment of subsidiary industries; speedier implementation of the Factories Ordinance; and centrally planned drainage and irrigation.
We passed a Bill in the House to repeal a fascist law prohibiting importation and distribution of progressive literature We opened doors to everyone by lifting certain bans. We passed legislation forcing employers to recognize for collective bargaining trade unions with majority support.* We increased loans to farmers. We passed an amendment to the security of tenure for rice farmers ordinance in order to help farmers during drought. We campaigned to remove church control of schools. We tightened up on public works expenditure, reducing votes in the bloated estimates. We curtailed unnecessary house building for senior government officials. We began a revision of fees of government doctors in order to help the poor. We were initiating legislation to reform local government by introducing adult suffrage and abolishing the system of nominated persons. We advocated jobs for local men in the police force and in other categories. We refused to send delegates to meet the Queen in Jamaica.
We increased the royalty on the proposed hydroelectric station. We were preparing an increase of royalties and of taxation of natural mineral resources. We refused to grant leases of crown lands to landlords already possessing large holdings.
We sent a delegate to Suriname to secure rights for Guianese fishermen in Dutch Guiana waters. We increased the number of scholarships known as People's Scholarships. We refused payment to the members of the State Council. We introduced, legislation to suspend the Essential Services Act with reference to the right to strike, and for control of money lenders. We established committees to investigate the domestic workers' problem, the revision of the Workmen's Compensation Ordinance and for machine stations for farmers. We appointed ordinary people to Government boards and committees.
We kept in close contact with our people visited the countryside regularly, informing them of our activities and pointing out the constitutional checks. As these Constitutional brakes became more evident we exposed them one by one. At the same time as we occupied ourselves almost fully with local problems, we never lost sight of international problems: we pledged solidarity with the struggles of other colonial peoples, and with the movement to end all wars: and we passed a resolution in the House protesting about the Rosenberg case.
We refused to fraternize with the Governor and the officials. Our Ministers refused to play ball in secret meetings of the Executive Council and used their voting strength to fulfil Party pledges. Our Ministers refused to relinquish old trade union affiliations and continued as active trade unionists. We never forgot the struggle was not only one of day to day administration but of building the national liberation movement. We prepared the minds of people for that struggle by educating them in Party groups. We encouraged reading and discussion. Party membership increased two-fold and organised groups reached one hundred. We were helping little people to get a square deal in a thousand and one grievances. They were learning in only four months that People's Progressive Party government meant more equality of opportunity for the smaller man.
Our tremendous growth of strength and confidence from the Guianese, even to winning over civil servants and police to the Party, frightened the United Kingdom officials who saw their power waning. Despite official efforts at sabotage and the Governor's tricks of arranging the agenda of the Executive Council and postponing matters - also his frenzied visits around the country to gather personal support - we were still on the up-grade. The official element saw clearly that, despite all their efforts to split the Party and to undermine its influence and its popularity, and keeping Ministers tied to files, encouraging them to lose contact with the masses - the people were with us. The officials quickly learned that we were not of the same calibre as Gomez of Trinidad and Adams of Barbados and Bustamente of Jamaica. We would not forsake our principles upon receipt of high salaries and social prestige. Therefore in four months they were able to see that we remained what we were when we went to the electorate in April. There was no other way for them to remove the threat of final success of our movement for self government and eventual national independence but to use the most drastic means possible. They brought in the British Army to re-establish Colonial Office supremacy in Guiana.
Talk of a Communist coup and uprisings is more fantastic than Alice's Adventures in Wonderland. Not one of the Party leaders had gone so far as to even think of guns and bombs. What need was there for terrorism when we were sailing smoothly and constitutional changes were fast approaching? Communism was made the bogey to re-establish the old order of graft, corruption, favouritism and soft jobs for civil servants deposed from, India and Palestine.
Since October 9, the Party has called upon the Guianese to resist in every possible way the British action - in general strike, non-co-operation and non-violence. The people have contributed generously to a fund to send delegates abroad. There is no doubt that the tempers of workers have been aroused by police raids on leaders' houses and by the shocking refusal of governmental facilities for the departure abroad of Burnham and Jagan.
The present situation has only succeeded in making the picture of imperialism sharper in the minds of the masses who now see more clearly than a hundred lectures could tell what British colonialism means. They know too that this is an effort to break up forever their beloved Party and are united in their stand behind the movement.
We call upon the great freedom-loving Labour Movement of Britain to help us.
Without your help our struggle and the struggle of all colonial peoples for better living conditions and democratic government is in jeopardy. This blow is meant to strike fear in the hearts of all progressives abroad.
We have right on our side. We have done nothing but struggle honestly on behalf of thousands of poverty-stricken Guianese.
Our case rests with the good people of Britain.
*The Sugar Producers' Association had refused to recognise the Guiana Industrial Workers' Union, which had the full confidence of the workers as evinced in the three-and-a-half weeks complete shut-down of the sugar industry that began on August 30. Yet the Sugar Producers' Association continued to recognise the Man-Power Citizens' Association, a company union which has long lost the confidence of the sugar workers. On September 24 the Minister of Labour, introducing a Labour Relations Bill to compel employers to recognise a trade union holding a Majority of members in a given industry, sought to carry it through its three readings as a matter of urgency and for this moved suspension of standing orders. The Speaker (nominated not elected) refused although it is provided that this suspension is valid, if the consent of the House were given (and it was clear that the House would consent, since the People's Progressive Party had an obvious majority). The P.P.P. members left the House in protest against this ruling.
© 1996 Janet Jagan
President Janet Jagan's Address
THE following is the text of President Janet Jagan's
address to the nation, first broadcast on GBC at 17:00 hours Sunday August 8, 1999
THE time has now come for me to take a decision, which I have been considering over the past month. When I became ill on the eve of my return from Rio de Janeiro Summit of leaders of the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean, I spent a little time in hospital and then had medical tests in Trinidad. From these, I was advised to seek further tests abroad, and then proceeded to the USA where I was under the care of a Guyanese doctor whom I have known since his childhood. Despite the assurances that my condition is not life threatening, I found that my energy and stamina have been seriously reduced.I considered at length and consulted close colleagues on the question of my continuing in office as President. It is now my firm and studied conclusion that I can no longer offer to the nation the vigorous and strong leadership that I had sought to provide during my 20 months as the lawfully and duly elected President of the Republic of Guyana. I, therefore, wish to announce that I intend to resign my position as President and to fulfil the promise I made during the 1997 election campaign.
At the time, the PPP/Civic had announced the concept of the `A' Team, made up of myself, Prime Minister Samuel Hinds and Finance Minister, Bharrat Jagdeo. It was stated at public meetings and through campaign material that should anything happen to the President, clear cut means would be used to replace the President by the third member of the `A' Team, Bharrat Jagdeo, with the Prime Minister retaining his position in the post allotted to the Civic component of the PPP/Civic alliance.
Therefore, I am overseeing the implementation of this promise to the electorate and am assuring all concerned that the responsibilities of good and strong leadership will be guaranteed.
I would like to remark upon the extreme goodwill and support which I received throughout my time in office. The PPP/Civic government which I have led for 20 months has had several important objectives, many of which have been achieved with concrete steps in train to achieve others. The foundation policies of the PPP/Civic administration have been clearly outlined by our first democratically-elected President, Dr. Cheddi Jagan. His vision of a Guyana that is united, free and prosperous continues to define our work on behalf of the people. His administration, in just four and a half years, succeeded in stemming the slide that was evident in our society for decades.
First of all, we have had the task of consolidating democracy which was won after a long and hard battle and which involved a great many Guyanese who may or may not support the PPP/Civic. The protection of our democracy is vital for the development of our country. Its protection and deepening is a matter for all Guyanese. We all cherish this new freedom and we must see to it that at all cost there must never be a return to authoritarianism and rigged elections.
The results of that part of our history are still here for us to see.Secondly, it has been the objective of my government to rebuild the economic and social foundations of the society and to launch out on a development course which would see Guyana coming out of its under-developed state. And, we intend to do so with the interest of the people at the centre of our strategy. Our open economic system is intended to bring growth and human development. In building a new society we have sought to encourage genuine partnerships with the main players in civic society, especially the private sector and organisations of the working people.
What is of importance is that we have put Guyana back on track. There is more hope for a bright future. More and more people are using their creativity to create wealth and to be part of the process of nation building. More and more people feel that they have a stake in this country and want to see it develop and flourish.
A glaring feature of our society, especially since the 1997 general elections is that we have not enjoyed the political peace so necessary for advancement and change. But as an optimist, I know that these will come in time. I am encouraged by history, the past and present, here at home and in the world at large. We are not alone in being beset by unreasonable and uncivilised behaviour of an opposition that cannot accept the results of democratic elections. It is nothing new. Reading American history recently I came across an episode in which the early President Thomas Jefferson was warned by his Attorney General that "because of the perverse, hostile and malignant state of the opposition, with facility of imposing on the public mind and producing excitements, every measure originating with the executive will be attacked with virulence". Sounds familiar, doesn't it? Yet such opposition was overcome and the USA went on to become a powerful nation. It is not my intention to compare the United States with Guyana, but simply reminding ourselves that an unreasonable opposition cannot hold back growth and development once the leadership and people stand firm.
My government, and myself, have been criticised for being too `soft' and `weak' as regards dealing with those who want to destroy our gains as a nation. Our attitude has been one of patience and we realised that the state and government, not the opposition or destructive elements, have the responsibility to see to it that the society does not descend into anarchy. We needed to have great political wisdom and prevent racial conflagration by finding new ways to solve the problems of a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society. The opposition, by now, must know the response of society at large to the destruction they have caused both to the economy and to the social fabric of the nation. As a politician with some 50 years experience in this country, I can assure you that such tactics can cost votes. And that is what they will reap - the wrath of the people.
The PPP/Civic government stands for development and people. I have brought all my years of experience to the highest office, and have sought to maintain the dignity of this office. It is important for our country to be led by people who have the wisdom to know what is the best in the interest of society. Dr Jagan brought dignity to this country. So did Mr Samuel Hinds. I am confident that the new President, Mr Bharrat Jagdeo, will do the same. He is youthful and has presided admirably over the important Ministry of Finance. I know that he is firm in dealing with government business and is not afraid to make decisions. His office requires that kind of firmness. He will be aided by many veterans in the field in politics and those who have experience in running the affairs of the country. I am indeed leaving a strong and united team to lead the country. And, of course, I am not going anywhere. I will be around to assist in whatever way I can.
The process of healing the wounds of our nation continues. This will take courage and strong will. To bring peace requires understanding and this must be done without violence or disruption of the daily lives of our people. There must be reasonableness and a will to find common grounds if there is to be peace, progress and prosperity. The future of this country is at stake and we cannot allow the iron fist to rule. We have had enough of that. Our task is to unite and to do this we must strive for better ethnic and cultural understanding and give assurances of security to those who feel insecure.
I wish to thank Prime Minister Sam Hinds who has been a constant support, my Cabinet colleagues, the staff of the Office of the President, the Commissioner of Police and Chief of Staff and all the other hard-working people in government. A special thanks to my colleagues in the PPP and its leadership who have walked with me and my husband all these years. I will continue to be in their company in coming years. I want to give a big thank you to all those people who voted for me and the PPP/Civic alliance in the last elections. I thank them for their faith in me and their continuing support. Lastly, I want to thank the thousands from all walks of life who have welcomed me in their homes, who have visited me in my office, who have written me and who have sent me photographs, messages of support and have kept me aware of the problems and aspirations of the Guyanese people. Meeting you, my Guyanese friends, was the best part of the job.
Long live Guyana.
© 1999 Janet Jagan
