The year was 1918, when on March 22, in a rural Guyanese
village called Port Mourant, the remarkable life of an ordinary sugar worker's son began.
His name was Cheddi Jagan and before his time would be over
he would change the course of his country's history by first liberating it from British
colonial domination, then by waging a twenty-eight year long struggle for the restoration
of freedom and democracy, and finally by ascending to the Presidency as Guyana's first
democratically elected Head of State.
Just the year before, labour migration from India to
British Guiana (now known as Guyana) had ended. Sugar plantation companies which dominated
the political, social and economic life of the colony had drawn their labour force mainly
from British India. Jagan's parents were among them. He was born on a sugar plantation and
his early life was dominated by his parents struggle to ensure that he would not remain on
one.
Intelligence and hard work marked him out as an able
student. After attending primary school in his home village, he began at the age of 15
years to attend Queen's College, the leading boys' school in the capital, Georgetown.
Leaving two years later, having passed the school certificate examinations, his father
wanted him to study law but the expense of studying in England put this beyond his reach.
Economic realities suggested Howard University, Washington DC, and dentistry. The seven
years he would spend in the United States transformed him from someone with a romantic
view of politics, an interest in the writings of Gandhi and the independence movement in
India (the land of his grandparents), into a Marxist.
His two years in Washington DC doing his pre-med studies
opened his eyes to the condition of African Americans and the realities of legally
enforced segregation in the south. Living in Chicago, where he attended Northwestern
University, and briefly in New York City, studying social sciences and the writings of
socialist thinkers broadened his education. He qualified as a dentist in 1942 by which
time he had met his wife, Janet Rosenberg. Neither of their families approved of their
marriage in 1943. He returned to Guyana in October 1943 and Janet followed him a few
months later.
In Guyana, he was immediately concerned over the economic
and social conditions of the people and saw the need for political change. His search for
broader political involvement took him to the post of treasurer of the Man-Power Citizens'
Association, effectively the first trade union for sugar estate workers. However, internal
differences led to Jagan founding the Political Affairs Committee (PAC) in 1946 with his
wife and two young trade unionists, Jocelyn Hubbard and Ashton Chase.
In 1947, contesting as an independent, Jagan won a seat in
the Legislative Council. The absence of organised political parties and a restricted
franchise meant that there was limited opposition to government policies much influenced
by the big British sugar and Canadian bauxite companies.
Jagan's experiences confirmed his belief that major changes
were necessary, and in 1950 he and his political associates in the PAC formed the People's
Progressive Party (PPP), the first modern mass party in Guyana.
The legacy of slavery and indentured immigration had
created a population divided between those of African and East Indian descent. The PPP
tried to unite these two groups within a radical anti-colonialist party and, in an attempt
to foster unity asked Forbes Burnham, an Afro-Guyanese lawyer recently returned from
England, to become chairman with Jagan as leader.
In the first elections under adult suffrage in 1953, the
PPP, with a manifesto appealing to a broad base of Guyanese society, won easily.
Jagan's first term in office lasted only 133 days, from the
opening of parliament of May 30 to the suspension of the constitution on October 9 and the
arrival of British troops. A reformist programme, had proved too much for the British
government to bear, and heavily influenced by Cold War politics, labeled the programme as
communist. The constitution was suspended and the PPP Government removed from power by the
British colonial rulers. Restrictions were placed on leaders of the PPP, many of whom were
imprisoned. Jagan himself was imprisoned for refusing to obey an order restricting him to
Georgetown.
It was while the British ruled Guyana with the aid of an
Interim Government that Burnham made a bid to seize the leadership of the PPP from Jagan.
Burnham's first attempt to take over the party before the elections was defeated but in
the aftermath of October 9, he tried again and ultimately split the PPP in 1955. He
founded the People's National Congress (PNC) party in 1957, helped by the British who
supported what they believed were his more moderate politics.
Jagan's PPP, meanwhile won both the 1957 and 1961 elections
and embarked on welfare programmes in health, education and housing. These programmes were
highly popular and they had an immediate effect on improving the standard of living of the
people.
By this time, too, the PPP stepped up its campaign for
political independence of Guyana. After the 1961 elections, Jagan, now the first Premier
of Guyana, believed that the British would honour a commitment to allow the victor to lead
the country to independence. Two things prevented this: by 1961 the PPP had been
identified as the communist party by the West in contrast to the socialist PNC. The US,
after the Cuban revolution, was alarmed by Jagan and his party. Also, by 1961, the
anti-Jagan forces had made it clear that they were not prepared to let Jagan lead an
independent Guyana. The opposition forces were provided with covert and overt support by
the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the effort to overthrow Jagan and
his PPP Government.
From early 1962 to mid-1964 strikes, riots and murderous
political and ethnic conflict set Guyanese against Guyanese, postponing independence.
British troops returned once more to help quell the disturbances. Then in 1963 at a
constitutional conference in London, the British, giving open support to the opposition
forces led by Burnham, and following the orders of the US Government, changed the
electoral system from first-past-the-post to proportional representation for the 1964.
Elections were ordered for 1964 by the British who reneged on a previous agreement to
grant independence before any further elections. The change was designed to keep Jagan and
the PPP out of office. This duly happened, and Burnham's PNC, in an unlikely coalition
with the anti-communist and pro-capitalist United Force, joined together to form a
coalition Government even though the PPP won the elections with the highest proportion of
votes.
Burnham, now in power, was to show little respect for rules
until his death in 1985. When independence came in 1966, Jagan was leader of the
opposition. In the 1968 elections, Burnham was able to get rid of his coalition partner
with defectors from the PPP and hold an election rigged both internally and externally
with non-existent overseas voters overwhelmingly supporting the PNC. The formula worked
again in 1973 and 1980 for Burnham and, in 1985 for his successor Desmond Hoyte, each time
reducing the support for the PPP, at least in official figures which hardly anyone
believed.
In 1969, the PPP declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party.
But Burnham turned out to be even more committed to a version of Marxism (laced with
opportunism) which won him support from the communist camp. Guyana became a republic, and
Burnham asserted the paramouncy of the ruling party over the government, and his
government nationalized the foreign owned sugar and bauxite companies and the banks and
ended up with control of over 80 per cent of the economy. All this apparently progressive
activity led Jagan and the PPP to offer critical support for the PNC government. While
some Guyanese at home and increasingly abroad, felt that opposition rather than support
was needed, the repressive and lawless nature of the government being obvious, the PNC
itself condemned the PPP for being more "critical" than "supportive".
Some leading members of the PPP agreed and defected to join the PNC.
The new constitution of 1980 (backed by a rigged referendum
held in 1978) gave Burnham enormous powers. Symbolically, Jagan's title changed from
leader of the opposition to minority leader. In the next few years, violence from the
state would accompany worsening economic conditions and increasing emigration.
The death of Burnham himself in 1985 saw the more pragmatic
Hoyte as president. And with the fall of the Soviet block, the US was prepared to accept
the possibility of Jagan's return to office. By now, the PPP was emphasizing its belief in
a mixed economy and democratic politics. However, an intense struggle had to be waged by
the PPP and other opposition forces to force Hoyte to agree to electoral reforms and to
hold free elections. The intense lobbying by Jagan in the international arena, helped to
influence Jimmy Carter to help broker an arrangement for Hoyte to agree to electoral
reforms.
In the first free and fair elections since 1964, Jagan was
elected President of Guyana on October 5, 1992. Exactly 39 years after he had first been
removed from office, Cheddi Jagan was sworn in as President of Guyana on October 9, 1992.
He returned to office in a country demoralised by years of misgovernment, its population
depleted by massive emigration, a huge international debt with consequent International
Monetary Fund/World Bank restructuring policies in place, and an education system, once
among the best in the Commonwealth Caribbean, in ruins.
The problems facing the newly elected President Jagan and
the PPP were enormous: the civil service had collapsed and the ministers were untried. Yet
things improved: debts were cancelled, the infrastructure rebuilt, new and newly
rehabilitated schools and health centres went up nation wide, and agriculture, long
depressed, began to boom again.
Despite his long years in the opposition before 1992,
Cheddi Jagan maintained his stature as an international figure of renown. Following his
Presidential victory, he firmly established himself as a world statesman, and his ideas
for a New Global Human Order are winning support in all corners of the world. His proposal
for a Regional Integration Fund for the smaller economies of the Americas has already won
the total support of the CARICOM and Central American nations.
He wrote four books, Forbidden Freedom, The West on
Trial, Caribbean Revolution and The Caribbean -- Whose Backyard?. He
also penned numerous papers on social, economic and political issues.
Cheddi Jagan dedicated his life to politics, supported by
the firm belief, even during the long years of opposition that "History and time are
on our side". Despite the adulation which he was held he remained the most
approachable and modest of politicians. Among his most endearing characteristics were his
openness and his willingness to believe the best of nearly anyone.
He taught the Guyanese people about the value of
independence, the value of each and every human being, and the value of struggle to
realise these objectives. To the very end, this most unselfish and unassuming man became
the very symbol of Guyanese politics, always educating the people and never abandoning the
people's struggle for economic and social dignity, and for democracy. He was devoted to
the affairs of government, he was never disloyal to the aspirations of the Guyanese people
for dignity and a better way of life for over fifty years. His words of political wisdom
spread throughout the Caribbean, and many intellectuals would testify as to how much their
ideology and values have been shaped by the ideas and ideals of Cheddi Jagan.
Even those who disagreed with him admired his tenacity, his
endurance, his incorruptibility and his patience. He demonstrated that he was not merely
interested in political power; service to the people was more important, and he waged a
relentless struggle on their behalf in Parliament and at the grass-root level.
Cheddi Jagan has left behind an unblemished political
career. He earned a reputation as a man of honour and decency. He fought the imperialists
with great vigour and sought to form global alliances that he thought would make life
better for all Guyanese. Because of his political dominance and fiery rhetoric, his spirit
will continue to be with all Guyanese for a long time to come. No Guyanese can claim that
they were not touched by this master politician -- this true son of Guyana. He will
forever remain the Father of the Guyanese Nation.
(Cheddi Jagan suffered a heart attack on February 14,
1997 but despite treatment at the Walter Reed Army Medical Centre in Washington DC, he
died there on March 6, 1997. He survived by his wife, Janet and their son and daughter).