Articles by Cheddi Jagan 1965-1992

 

Message From Dr. Cheddi Jagan on Eid-Al-Fitr

Once again Muslims throughout Guyana will be celebrating the festival of Eid-ul-Fitr which climaxes the period of fasting of the Holy Month of Ramadan.cbj.jpg (10980 bytes)

This period of fasting is associated with self-denial, remembrance of the sufferings and sorrows of humanity and a dedication to service.

It is good that this is so. For in these times in which we live, strength of purpose and will, and a rededication to principles is paramount. Now more than ever, it is necessary in Guyana and the world to resist with unity and unshakable will the injustices, corruption, discriminations fraud, oppression and attack on Human Rights which have become so common in certain high quarters.

Today on this great Festivals I offer to our Muslim brethren in every part of Guyana our sincere good wishes. Eid Mubarak!

 

©  Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

 

 

Christmas Message from Dr. Cheddi Jagan

( Radio Broadcast for Government Information Services) - 1970's

Dear Friends,

From my party and myself, kindly accept warmest Christmas Greetings.

Christmas is a time of great joy, peace and goodwill, My wish is that not only all of you listening to me, but humanity in the world-at-large will be caught up in the spirit of Christmas. To me, love-thy-neighbour-as-thyself should have no boundaries.

It is said that man is not an island unto himself. This is true for increasingly we are becoming more interdependent, nationally and internationally.

So while we are celebrating Christmas, let us remember that there is much suffering at home and abroad.

Many able-bodied Guyanese cannot find work. Others have been retrenched just before Christmas. Still others face retrenchment in the new year. What peace-and-joy is there in the lives of these our Guyanese brethren?

What peace, what joy is there today for the thousands of young Americans who face the prospect of death in far-off Vietnam and hundreds of thousands more of Vietnamese, who are made homeless, who are maimed and killed?

What peace, what joy is there for the millions the world over who go to bed hungry every night, who face death by starvation?

Jesus Christ said "suffer the little children to come unto me; and forbid them not, for of such is the kingdom of heaven."

But today in Vietnam children are burnt alive by incendiary bombs. and disfigured by napalm, while the bomb and napalm manufacturers grow richer and richer, In the Congo and elsewhere hundreds of thousands of children die or become mentally and physically deformed from starvation.

Have we stopped to think of the irrationality, indeed the lunacy, of our world society which permits these evils to persist in the face of potential plenty.

When I say potential plenty I mean such things as the failure of vested interests to take advantage of some of the latest inventions and discoveries; the destruction of foods by dumping, burying and burning; the denial of the use of land or the payment of bonuses to farmers to keep land out of cultivation; the squandering of hundreds of millions of dollars in amassing more and more weapons of mass destruction. So great is the store of these monstrous weapons that if a Hiroshima-size bomb, a bomb that destroyed 100,000 human beings and millions of dollars of property had been dropped every day since the birth of Christ - 1,966 years, 365 days each year - a total of such explosions would consume only 70% of the present US nuclear stockpile.

Clearly, mankind is now precariously poised on the precipice of disaster.

Today nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction pose a threat to the security of mankind. The very existence of these weapons, and the constant threat they pose, coupled with man’s alienation, his sense of not-being-able-to-influence; his sense of helplessness, are also sources of anxiety neurosis, mental disorders and anti-social behaviour.

Some say that the ills of our society stem from greed, from hate, and that efforts must be concentrated to change men's hearts. Others who believe in dialectical materialism say that that is a vain hope. They say that the capitalist system of organization of society is responsible for the ills, that only with the abolition of this system will those ills go and will men's hearts in time be transformed.

One thing is certain. Whatever the differences, international disputes cannot be settled by resort to thermo-nuclear bombs. There must be attempts at peaceful solutions. Dialogue now taking place between Christians and Communists is a step in the right direction.

It is urgent that dogmas be set aside, that scientific analysis and logic be brought to bear to realize our common goals and objectives based on the brotherhood of man and a society free from exploitation, fear, insecurity, mayhem and mass murder.

It behoves us all, whether Christian or non-Christian, whether theist or atheist, to work for world peace; to recognize representative institutions, the free expression of the people's will, and the principles of non-intervention, sovereignty and national self-determination, in the conduct of international relations. Only by the observance of these principles can there be progress on a foundation of lasting peace.

We can all begin to shape a new world and a secure future for ourselves by concentrating our efforts to bring an end to US intervention in Vietnam. The Vietnamese people like all other peoples must be left to decide their own future, free from foreign interference. Once again, a very merry Christmas to all.

©  Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

 


 

PPP's Foundation for Progress Destroyed by PNC
by Cheddi Jagan
(
First PPP 1973 General Election broadcast delivered by Dr Cheddi Jagan on June 17, 1973)

 

Fellow Guyanese,

Soon it will be time for another important decision - which party to vote for. Fortunately, you are now in a better position to judge; you have had experience of 7 years of the PPP in office and 8 ˝ years of the PNC in power.

I have deliberately used the words; "the PPP in office" and "the PNC in power" to make one point clear - when we were in the government, Guyana was not independent; we had very limited powers. Not so with the PNC.

Yet we scored many successes, some of which are today taken for granted - independence, republic, nationalization, recognition of socialist states, Guyanisation and so on. Yes, we pioneered them. And we had to fight every inch of the way as well as suffer to achieve them.

In the economic field, we blazed a revolutionary trail. We severed some of the shackles with which sugardom bound our nation and stultified our development. The PPP removed the brakes on agriculture; we released the land, long "bottled up," and we embarked on a comprehensive scheme of drainage and irrigation.

Because of these and other measures too numerous to mention, our agricultural policy proved successful; it wasn't just propaganda as we have nowadays. The farmers were happy - they got many benefits, good prices and were meaningfully involved. And the workers and consumers too were satisfied - they were able to get a good supply of inexpensive foods.

But our concern was for industry as well as agriculture. So we set up the Industrial Development Corporation and Industrial Estate at Ruimveldt. We nationalized the Demerara Electric Company and began the programme of rural electrification.

The river front land at Garden of Eden, now used by the Guyana Defence Force for farming, had been cleared for glass and cement factories.

Unfortunately, these and other factories from socialist countries including a Cuban-financed $32 million hydro-electric scheme at Malali, were blocked by the British government.

But despite that, the foundations for a post-independence industrial future were laid. We got the United Nations to carry out several vital surveys.

In the monetary field we established the Bank of Guyana and were the first government in a British colony to impose restriction on sterling.

We had a proud pro-labour record. The now famous "Kaldor" budget of 1962 had as its aim the redistribution of income; we wanted the shifting of the tax burden from the poor to those who could afford to pay.

The PPP government pioneered free medical care and established a network of health centres; we began a country-wide programme of immunization and the environmental sanitation scheme. We extended pure water supplies.

In the sugar estates the logies were tumbled down; they are now only a memory.

In Georgetown, we started cheap subsidized housing for the working people, with a minimum rental of $5 and the maximum of $17 per month, something the PNC government has not yet done despite all its propaganda about housing.

Towards the development of a national people's culture, we set up the University of Guyana, derogatorily dubbed "Jagan's night school" by the PNC; instituted a national History and Culture Week; established a national steel band; gave annual prizes for literature and art, and initiated dress reform - the shirt jac.

And we brought down the symbol of foreign domination, the Georgetown Golf Club. Its lease was terminated for a people's national park.

And in our draft independence Constitution. we inserted a Fundamental Rights section, including the right to vote at age 18.

Yes, ours was a new vision and a new approach. We made far-reaching innovations. We truly laid the foundations for change and for a free society.

That was the foundation which the PNC inherited. And what has it achieved with its unlimited power and all the advantages it had?

You have been told of the hundreds of millions of dollars spent, about a high growth rate, and so no. But what has it all really meant for the "small man"? For him, success is measured in terms of jobs, standard of living, peace of mind and security - security in old age and security at home and in the streets.

For the large majority of Guyanese housewives, life has become a nightmare. If it is not high prices, it is shortages. Also anywhere I go, it's always the same cry: "Doc, things bad."

A few weeks ago, a former PNC activist stopped me at the north-western gate of Bourda Market, opened her shopping bag and cried out: "look what $5 buy; wha you guine do about it?"

And the unemployment situation worsens daily. It's commonplace to find an advertisement for one job bringing out no less than 300 to 500 applicants for interviews.

And the results of the daily frustrations of living are plain for all to see - a growing crime rate, a bigger prison population, more mental cases and suicides, more émigrés.

Thousands, seeing no hope in the future, want to get out as fast as they can. The queues for passports and visas to emigrate are never ending; they get longer and longer.

Of course, we are asked to have faith in the future. The new PNC Development Plan, you are told, will solve all your future headaches; by 1976, you would be fed, clothed and housed.

To those of you who have been seduced into believing this propaganda, I say: "remember 1967." Then you were told that under a PNC government, there would be free milk and cassava; that not a soul would go to bed hungry. Remember how the last $300 million D-Plan was to have put us on the "New Road" and the "Highway to Happiness. " The new plan will fare no better; it will land us in a deeper hell than we are now in; things will definitely get worse - the inevitable result of the course charted by the PNC.

Don't let the big figures mesmerize you. Spending huge sums of money alone does not make for real progress. Far more important is the economic planning strategy and what is given priority and emphasis. This means a sound philosophy, correct policies and a revolutionary, anti-imperialist programme.

We have always said that the root cause of our ills was foreign ownership and domination. Unfortunately, political independence and republican status with the PNC in power have not materially altered the situation from colonial days .

The PPP believes in scientific socialism, not the PNC's illusory cooperative socialism.

We say: nationalize the commanding heights of the economy; we are against playing the so-called "partnership" game with imperialism.

We say: put emphasis on industry and agriculture and not on infrastructure. And to achieve this we advocate foreign policy based on the closest cooperation with the socialist world.

Our land reform policy will place the land in the hands of the tillers.

And we will deal ruthlessly with corruption and discrimination.

We believe in the fullest development of our human resources and the meaningful involvement of the workers, farmers and intellectuals.

We give you these broad outlines of your programme because it has been charged that we are irresponsible and have nothing to offer.

They also say that we are planning violence, that we want to disrupt the peace. I am sure you are not fooled by these falsehoods. You know very well who, to serve personal ends, started the violence in the 1960s.

Recall the terrorist plan, X-13, and the large quantities of detonators found buried in a certain yard. Remember Peter Owen, former Commissioner of Police, describing in 1964 the PNC as "an organized thuggery which is centrally directed." In fact, you also know that it is the sense of responsibility of the PPP leadership which has preserved the peace - responsibility in the face of gross discrimination against, and provocation of, our supporters, the pulling down of their homes, constant police harassments, arrests and raids as well as the unleashing against workers of terror, tear gas and police dogs.

With the PPP, you know where we stand; we are consistently behind you.

Ever since the mid-1940s, we fought relentlessly against terror and intimidation to win for you the right to vote. Don't let the professionally-trained riggers deprive you of this sacred right. Turn out as never before. On Monday, July 16, record a massive vote of no-confidence against our common enemy, the PNC, and send them reeling out of office. Vote solidly for your party, the PPP.

©  Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

 

 

Nationalism: Progressive And Reactionary

by Cheddi Jagan

 In most "third world" countries, petty-bourgeois nationalist parties are in power. This is due to the fact that the working class is generally underdeveloped, and consequently communist and workers' parties are relatively - weak or non-existent.

            As a result of the duel character (labour and capital) of the petty-bourgeois class, nationalist regimes generally vacillate. Sometimes they take labour/progressive positions; at other times, conservative/reactionary positions.

            This vacillation is characteristic of the PNC, a petty-bourgeois nationalist party.

 

Pro-Imperialist

            In the first period (1964-70), after coming to power with the help of Anglo-American imperialism, its nationalism manifested itself in a reactionary role. Its domestic and foreign policies were geared to foster imperialist interests.

            This was made clear by Dr Wilfred David, Economic Adviser to the government; and Dr Ted Braithwaite, Guyana's first Ambassador to the United Nations. Dr David in 1971 stated: "... we have had growth without development, characterized by a high level of dependency."

            Dr Ted Braithwaite, the author of "To Sir With Love," exploded a bombshell on his resignation as Ambassador. He said that every time he wanted to take positions at the UN which he thought were in the best interests of Guyana, he would get messages from the government telling him what the Americans felt about those issues, and to take positions in accordance with those views.

            In the 1971-73 period, the PNC nationalist regime vacillated, with the balance in favour of imperialism. It was forced to nationalize the Demerara Bauxite Company (DEMBA) after its Canadian owners, Alcan, refused to accept "meaningful participation in bauxite," paid overgenerous compensation, and appointed the US company Philipp Bros., as the marketing agent. At the same time, the regime attacked the Soviet Union by espousing the "2 superpowers - 2 imperialisms" line.

 

Anti-Imperialist

            In the 1974-76 period, the dominant tendency of the petty-bourgeois duality in the PNC leadership played a progressive role. It carried out limited national tasks of recuperating the national economy from imperialist ownership and control.

            However, through racial and political discrimination, lack of democracy at the political, social and economic/industrial levels, manipulation and corrupt practices, the PNC established a bureaucratic/military, and not a revolutionary-democratic, form of rule.

            Nationalization under the PNC regime is serving not the masses of the working people but the bureaucratic-bourgeoisie, the neo-comprador parasitic bourgeoisie (contractors, commission agents and others servicing the state corporations) and the emerging rural monopoly bourgeoisie on the other.

 

Conservative           

The same petty-bourgeois nationalist leadership which played a progressive role in the 1974-74 period has become a force of conservatism, on an obstacle to change in the liberation process. The balance of forces in the PNC leadership has shifted in favour of the conservative/pro-capitalist tendency in the petty-bourgeois duality. Bureaucratic-state, cooperative and parasitic capitalism fetters the productive forces, thus wrecking the economy and opening the way to imperialist political blackmail and dictation through "aid with strings."

            By refusing to make changes at the super-structural level, by making the party and state indistinguishable, and by declaring the doctrine of paramouncy of the party (in effect, the dominant role of the PNC petty-bourgeois nationalists serving the middle strata, the petty-bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie and not the working class and peasantry), the state has become an instrument of accumulation and gain for the PNC as a party and its leaders.

            The petty-bourgeois nationalist PNC has built up a corrupt bureaucratic/military elitist structure and is unwilling to make any fundamental changes at the superstructure level (political, ideological, institutional and cultural).

            During the 1977-82 period, the PNC vacillated, as in the 1971-73 period, with the balance in favour of imperialism.

 Dichotomy

            From 1983, the regime moved against imperialism in foreign policy, although not as firmly as in 1974-76. At the same time, in domestic policy, it takes an anti-working class position. The dichotomy cannot be maintained for long. If there is no change in internal policies in favour of the working class, the economy would be further undermined and the progressive anti-imperialist position would be lost.

            The two aspects of nationalism were demonstrated in Egypt: under President Nasser - progressive/revolutionary nationalism; under President Sadat who succeeded Nasser - reactionary nationalism.

            In India during World War II, one saw within the Congress Party the different faces of nationalism. One faction saw Britain, which was denying independence to India, as enemy number one. It was prepared to fight with German fascism and Japanese militarism to get India free. A second faction saw as enemies both British colonialism and Hitler fascism; it decided to remain neutral. A third faction, the communist saw Hitler fascism and Japanese militarism as the main enemy; it joined the war on the side of the anti-Hitlerite coalition, which included Britain.

            As a petty-bourgeois nationalist party, the ruling PNC has 2 tendencies - a majority conservative/reactionary tendency and a minority labour/progressive tendency. The latter can talk about socialism, but the former cannot put it into practice.

 

Cooperation

            Cooperation between communists and revolutionary-democrats in possible and necessary for liberation and social progress (revolutionary-democratic are the left-wingers of the petty-bourgeois class). Guyana offers a unique opportunity to move forward along this path. It has abundant resources; the PNC has complete control of the bureaucracy, military and mass media; and the majority PPP is struggling to go forward to a socialist-oriented course. Salvador Allende's Popular Unity government did not have such favourable conditions: it did not control the state apparatus and the media, and his opposition was rightist, pro-imperialist and linked with the CIA.

           

The class struggle must be intensified to push the PNC to a revolutionary nationalists to a patriotic and internationalist left position in internal and external policies. This struggle must be waged inside and outside of the ruling Party.

  ©  Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

 

 

© 1999 Cheddi Jagan Research Centre.  All rights reserved.