My Dear Friends,
You have been asked to listen to this broadcast.
The reason is because I wish to report to you on the recent
developments in our country's fight for freedom.
At the London Constitutional Conference held in
1960, the issue of Independence was specifically raised. It was then
conceded by Her Majesty's Government that this Colony was entitled
to its Independence. A formula was laid down. This provided that if
two requirements were met, a Conference would be held to decide the
date. These two requirements were (i) that both our Legislative
Houses should pass resolutions asking for Independence and (ii) that
a decision should have been taken to grant independence to the West
Indies Federation.
Now these two conditions have both been
fulfilled.
Motions asking for Independence were passed in
both our Houses shortly after we took office. A date, May 31st, 1962
has been fixed for independence for the Federation. I therefore
attended on Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr
Reginald Maudling, in December and asked that he give us his
undertaking to grant this Colony Independence by the 31st of May
next.
Mr Maudling bluntly refused either to name a
definite date for our Independence or to fix a date for a Conference
to discuss the Constitutional changes necessary for this step. I
must confess that I was both surprised and angered by this attitude.
It seemed to me that Her Majesty's Government was failing in a moral
obligation to implement their 1960 promise especially since the pace
of constitutional advance has recently been accelerated. Further, at
Christmas-time, Mr Maudling made a Press statement which purported
to deal in principle with the entire issue of independence for the
Colonial areas. But in view of his talks with me in London, it
seemed that he was speaking primarily to us here in British Guiana.
Those of you who have followed the long and weary
history of my Party's fight to free this country from colonial rule
will understand how deeply I was stirred and angered by these
developments. It seemed as though the prize was being snatched from
our grasp as it came within our reach.
Because of this, I took unusual and far-reaching
steps to mobilize the country for a bitter fight on this basic
issue. We started with a general appeal to the United Nations. A
preliminary survey carried out for me a few months ago disclosed the
fact that the large majority of the member nations were prepared to
give us their support on the issue of our Freedom. A memorandum
circulated to every delegation in the United Nations apprised them
of the facts and asked for their support. As you are probably all
aware the response was immediate. The Fourth Committee which is
concerned with political matters was then discussing colonialism and
it agreed to extend its discussion to include British Guiana.
As soon as it became clear to me that Mr Maudling
was not prepared to give any definite undertaking on the issue, I
immediately left London for New York to press our country's case
before the United Nations. There I met with warm and heartening
support. In a move which was without precedent in the history of the
United Nations, I was invited to address the Fourth Committee as a
Petitioner although our territory is not independent. This unusual
procedure was objected to by Her Majesty's representative on the
Fourth Committee. In the debate which followed on procedure the
representative of the United States sided with the British in
opposition. Nevertheless, a large majority of the Committee was in
favour of recognizing me as a Petitioner. I was therefore able to
argue our country's cause personally before this most important
organisation. After my speech several members, including the
representative of the United States, spoke in support of my demand
for immediate Independence. A resolution was put forward sponsored
by 17 countries. It had two main points. Firstly, it urged Great
Britain to reopen negotiations immediately with us on the
Independence issue. Secondly, it called for the 17-Nation Committee
of the United Nations which has recently been charged with assisting
Colonial territories to attain Independence, to look into our
situation and report back to the General Assembly. The General
Assembly adjourned just before Christmas for the holidays. It is to
reconvene this week when our matter is due to come up again.
This, then, is the position in our battle for
Freedom to date. It will be apparent that what has happened was
tantamount to an open rift between my Government and Her Majesty's
Colonial Office with an appeal by us to the superior tribunal of the
United Nations. I need hardly say how distressed I was to be forced
to take these extreme measures against the British Government. I
have always had warm regards for the British people despite the
unhappy history of their Government's dealings with me. I am keenly
aware of the benefits that have flowed to this country from the
association with Great Britain and of the further benefits which
will accrue to us in the future if circumstances allow us to fulfil
our desire to remain within the British Commonwealth of Nations. And
I have therefore regarded the progressive deterioration of relations
with Her Majesty's Government during the past few weeks as a most
unfortunate development from all points of view.
I am therefore very happy about the announcement
that at the eleventh hour wiser council has prevailed and Her
Majesty's Government has agreed that a Conference will be called
during the month of May to decide on the date for our country's
Independence and on the constitutional changes necessary to
implement it.
You have all doubtless read the irresponsible
statements now being peddled in certain quarters to the effect that
the Government intends to force upon this country a Constitution
drawn by us. I wish to repeat once more what we have said several
times. Whatever Constitution is eventually adopted by this country
will first be subjected to the closest scrutiny and criticisms by
all sections of the community. To this end, we propose to submit the
draft constitution which is now being completed by the Attorney
General, for the consideration of the public, and if there is no
objection, to a Committee made up of all members of both Houses. In
this Committee, full and fair opportunity will be given to members
of the Opposition to criticize and amend our draft in the hope that
the final document which will emerge for presentation to the London
Conference in May, may reflect as far as possible the essential
requirements of all.
I take this opportunity to appeal once more to
all of you, Leaders and Followers, for a united front on this
important issue. Our nation's freedom should be a cause above party
politics. We stand before the world's gaze now. Let us try for once
to sink the differences of race, class and colour in a joint effort
to lift our people from the bondage of colonialism to the status of
free men. It will be easy, all too easy, in the discussions which
are now pending, for men of little vision to denigrate this country,
to malign our people and to belittle our people's ability in the
hope that by these tactics they may delay Independence and preserve
for a little longer the petty privileges of our outworn system. For
my part, I give you my assurance that so far as is humanly possible,
I and my Party will try to the best of our ability, to concede to
the reasonable requests of the Opposition groups wherever this may
be done without harm to our basic principles.
Let no one underestimate the importance of this
issue. Not only does Independence mean Freedom in the context of the
present situation, it also means prosperity. We are now in dire need
of foreign assistance if we are to complete our present
developmental programme and move on to the far greater schemes for
industrialisation which we have in hand, I have reason to believe
that when we have once won our Independence we will be able to
borrow substantial sums of money on easy terms and without political
commitment of any sort. Only thus can we beat back the spectre of
unemployment which is looming larger over us each week and
thereafter get to grips with the problem of raising our standard of
living.
To all of you now listening, I say, seek out your
Leaders of whatever political party they may be and demand of them
that they now put first things first; that they join with us in this
fight against the centuries old oppression which has kept you poor.
Let us sink our differences and move forward
together as one people, to a new and just society of dignity and
wealth.
© Nadira Jagan-Brancier
2000